1 Shemos, 34:31, 32.
2 Why record the honor to the
leaders here?
3 But Rashi above declared that the heads are
mentioned to teach that they were honored by Moshe, yet here he asserts
that the teaching is that they were empowered to nullify vows
individually. Evidently, the first teaching implies the second.
Scripture's unusual mention of their honor here suggests that they were
especially distinguished in the area of vows---they could nullify as
individuals, while others required a three member panel. (G.A.)
4
The heads of the tribes were the experts. The plural "heads" refers
to all those who were empowered to nullify vows individually. (S.C.)
5 Not by one, as only the leaders are so empowered, and not by
two, since a deciding opinion is needed in case of deadlock, as with
every judicial panel. (R' Nisim, Rosh to Nedarim, ibid)
6 Who
have a rudimentary knowledge of vow nullification, and are capable of
grasping more intricate concepts. The ignorant, however, are not
acceptable. (R' Nisim, ibid.)
7 Vayikra, 17,3--4. There, the
Torah forbids the slaughtering of sacrificially sanctified animals
outside the Sanctuary.
8 "... to his sons, and to all
of Bnei Yisroel. Say to them, 'this is the word, etc.' "
(Vayikra, ibid.)
9 Nedarim, ibid.
10 Shemos, 11:4. "...
{Hebrew Ref} ," lit. "This is what Ad-noy said ...
," is not completely definitive, indicating that the Divine message
was not revealed to the prophet with clarity and precision. This is not
the highest level of prophecy, but it was all that was achieved by the
other prophets, and, indeed, by Moshe himself before he surpassed them.
The definitive "this is the word [which G-d has commanded]," however,
indicates that the message was revealed to the prophet clearly and
precisely. This is the surpassing level of prophecy, achieved only by
Moshe, the greatest of the prophets. (M. See Rambam, Yesodei Hatorah,
7) Or, the clarity of prophetic vision depended on its purpose. When
the prophetic message was intended for the people at that time, as with
all the prophets besides Moshe, the vision was unclear, and the
imprecise {Hebrew Ref} was used. Similarly, when Moshe
informed Pharaoh prophetically that G-d would punish the Egyptians at
midnight, he used the phrase {Hebrew Ref} . But when the
eternal commandments of the Torah were revealed to Moshe, he was
granted clear prophetic vision, and used the definitive "this is the
word." (G.A.)
11 Sifri, 2.
12 This only, without
variation.
13 The single expert, or the three member panel.
14 The sage from "... he [the one who vowed] may not
desecrate his word." (v.3) He may not, but another---the Sage---may
release him from his word, and negate its restrictive effect.
(Chagigah, 10a) This implies total release, wherein the very words of
the vow are retroactively rendered ineffectual, as if they had never
been uttered. Indeed, if the vow was violated before the release, no
transgression remains. The husband's authorization is from "..
. [her husband] nullifies her vow ..." (v.9) The inference is
that the vow is ineffectual from the time of nullification, but not
retroactively. If the vow was violated previously, the transgression
remains. (M., G.A.)
15 Sifri, ibid.
16 "Konam"
is a form of "korbon," sacrifice. (Nedarim, 10a) This food is
forbidden to me the way a sacrifice is forbidden for non-Sanctuary use.
To be effective, the new prohibition must be compared
17 The
neder---vow is always objective---i.e., it initiates, in some
object, the status of something Halachically forbidden (comparable to
the sacred status of a sacrifice, which makes it forbidden for mundane
use). (Nedarim, 2b) It is not effective in prohibiting intangibles,
like a person's actions. (Nedarim, 13b) One may effectively say with
the neder form, "this food is forbidden for me" but not, "I
will not eat this food." How, then can Rashi cite "that I will not
eat" as an example of a neder? Because the neder
statement begins with "let it be as a konam to me," indicating
that the intent is to prohibit an object, as in the case of a
korbon. Although it was not fully articulated, the neder is
understood as "let the food be as konam to me, so that, as a
result of my neder, I will not eat. (G.A.)
18 Since the
neder form can only create a forbidden object (see fn. 17), it
must always prohibit activity, and can never obligate a person to
perform an activity. One may say, with the neder, "this food is
forbidden to me," but not "I may not eat this food." (See Gilyon
Hashas to Nedarim, 3b.) Therefore, in discussing the obligation to eat,
Rashi digresses from the neder to the "shevuah---oath"
form. Unlike the neder, the shevuah is subjective---i.e.,
it directly obligates the person swearing. Thus, it may be used for
positive, as well as negative obligations. (M.)
19 Sifri, 7.
20 From the root {Hebrew Ref} , to profane. One {Hebrew Ref} is
dropped in the conjugation. (M.)
21 Sifri, 8.
22 Sifri,
12, from the additional phrase, "...in her youth, while in her
father's house." (v. 17), to be understood as, "in her youth, when
she is considered to be under her father's jurisdiction." (M., G.A.)
23 Below the age of twelve, whose vows may sometimes be valid,
but not always, as explained below. (M.)
24 At the age of twelve
and one half.
25 Puberty.
26 Nidah, 45b.
27 Perhaps
he simply instructed her to violate it---she vowed for example to
prohibit wine, and he told her to drink it. (G.A.)
28 V. 9.
29 Sifri, 16.
30 By refusing to enter the land. (32:7)
31
Which annointed me as king, not turn my head from admonishment.
32
Tehillim, 141:5.
33 14:34.
34 Our passage concerns the father's
nullification, but Rashi's remarks are from Sifri to v. 13, where the
husband nullified. Rashi, therefore, follows Sifri, and mentions the
husband. (G.A.)
35 Because of her wicked intention. (Nazir,
23a.)
36 Is it not self evident that sinners require
forgiveness? Still, our passage mentions forgiveness when the vow was
nullified. (M.)
37 Sifri, 17.
38 The "arusah" is
a woman in the preliminary "erusin" stage of marriage, when
the couple are considered man and wife, but do not live in the same
home, or engage in marital relations.
39 The "nesuah"
has undergone the consummate "nisuin" stage. She has entered
her husband's home, and the couple engage in marital relations.
40
V. 11.
41 Our passage mentions the "arusah" to
distinguish her from the "nesuah," who has left her father's
jurisdiction. (S.C.)
42 Together, as Rashi explains. Thus, our verse combines with
v.6, which delineates the father's role in the annulment. (G.A.)
43
Nedarim, 67a.
44 If he did either, then his daughter's vow
is no longer subject to her husband's decision. (M.)
45 Sifri,
20.
46 A full day's silence constitutes tacit endorsement. (M.)
47 V. 17.
48 Verse 4 taught that her father has
jurisdiction before her marriage, the addition of v. 17, even after
marriage. (M.)
49 Sifri, 31. Another derivation there is from v.
7, which begins with "and," thereby combining the husband's
jurisdiction with the father's. This teaches that they annul together.
(M)
50 Or to an unmarried bogeres, who, having reached her
majority status, leaves her father's jurisdiction, and is responsible
for her own vows. (G.A.)
51 Leaving him as the sole arbiter of
the vow.
52 Nedarim, 70a.
53 Over whom the husband has
sole jurisdiction. The Scriptural order is as follows: Vs. 4--6 are
concerned with the father's jurisdiction over his daughter; vs. 7--9
with the husband's over the arusah, in concert with the father;
v. 10 with the independent woman's vow; vs. 11--16 with the husband's
sole jurisdiction over the nesuah. (G.A.)
54 Sifri, 25.
55 Not to eat, drink, etc. (M.)
56 He may also annul
vows which affect the marital bond, for example not to use cosmetics,
not to engage in marital relations, etc. (Nedarim, 79b).
57 Sifri,
27. Sifri limits the father's annulment, as well, to distress-causing
vows. Rashi, however, omits this. Evidently, Rashi feels that Sifri's
opinion does not prevail, since it is not cited by the Talmud. (M. See
Ramban, Tosafos Yom Tov to Nedarim, 11:1)
58 79a.
59
Nedarim, 76b derives this from "on the day he heard" (v. 8), not from
our passage. Evidently, Rashi means that our passage avoided saying
"for a day," which would definitely have indicated a twenty-four hour
period. (G.A.) "From day to day" may be understood as "from the day
he heard to the beginning of the next day"---i.e., nightfall. (M.)
60 His nullification is ineffective. But if he had merely kept
silent, he could then successfully annul. Since our verse does not
specify that the day ended, we assume it did not. Only a full day's
silence constitutes tacit endorsement (v. 15), so if he had merely been
silent, the nullification which followed would be effective. (G.A.)
61 Sifri, 30.
62 He is responsible for her transgression.
Because she mistook his ineffectual annulment as valid, she violated
her oath.
63 Sifri, ibid.
64 The Moavites hired Bil'am
(22:6), who later advised them to entice the Israelites into
promiscuous behavior (Rashi to 25:1). They were joined by Midianite
women, and the resulting sinful acts caused great loss of life (25:9).
If Midian deserved punishment, certainly did Moav. (S.C.)
65 22:3.
66 Devorim, 2:9.
67 Because of their forefather Lot, who
faithfully protected his uncle Avraham. (G.A., of Bereishis, 19:29)
68 Who converted to Judaism and was the great grandmother of
king David. (Rus, 4:22)
69 She converted and was the mother of
king Rechav'am, Shlomo's son. (Melachim 1, 14:21)
70 Devorim
2:19 also warns against provoking Ammon.
71 Bava Kama, 38b. Moav
was preserved for Rus, Na'amah is mentioned merely in passing (Tosafos
there). Or, the preservation was not for the sake of David or Rechav'am
as individuals, but for Israel's monarchy, to be perpetuated through
the Davidic dynasty, beginning with king David himself, then Shlomo,
Rechav'am, etc. Rashi, therefore, mentions both Rus, as David's
ancestor, and Na'amah, as the mother of Rechav'am, since both were
necessary for the royal Davidic line. (G.A.)
72 Of course Moshe
conveyed the mitzvah to them. Why mention it?
73 Sifri,
34.
74 {Hebrew Ref} , "arm."
75 V. 5.
76
Tanchuma, 3. Otherwise, "men" is redundant. Women do not wage war.
(S.C.)
77 To fight Amalek. Shemos, 17:9.
78 The tribal
heads. Devorim, 1:15.
79 Why "G-d's vengeance," rather than
"Israel's vengeance"? (M.Y.)
80 As the Holy One's Name is
identified with Yisroel. See Yehoshua, 7:9. (G.A.)
81 From the additional "from all the tribes of Yisroel."
Although there were twelve tribes besides Levi, verse 5 counts only
twelve thousand warriors. Apparently, Efrayim and Menasheh were
considered a single tribe. (M.) Or, the Levites were added so that the
merit of their saintliness would bring the army success, but they did
not bear arms. V.5 lists the armed warriors. (G.A.)
82 Sifri,
35.
83 Shemos, 17:4.
84 From "were handed over," rather
than "Moshe took," or "Moshe sent." (S.C.)
85 From the
repetitious "them." (M.)
86 Who was the Kohein Gadol
after the death of Aharon. (20:28)
87 25:15.
88 "... to Egypt." (Bereishis, 37:36) Yoseif was
also sold to Yishmaelites (ibid, v.28), but the Midianites were more
heinous. Because they realized that Yoseif had the potential for great
leadership, they sold him to Egypt, where slaves were legally forbidden
to rule. (D.D. Cf. Rashi to Bereishis, 41:12)
89 Sifri, 37. Not
literally vengeance. Pinchas did not consciously seek to punish the
Midianites. Yoseif, who would scrupulously resist the enticement of his
master's wife, was sold by the very Midianites who later abandoned a
princess to public promiscuity. By the same token, Pinchas, who had
courageously executed the guilty princess, was the antithesis of
Midian's immorality, and was therefore the proper instrument for their
punishment. (G.A.)
90 "[Elozor took one of the daughters of
Putiel] ... and she bore him Pinchas" (Shemos, 6:25).
91
{Hebrew Ref} alludes to {Hebrew Ref} , "fattened." Before
converting to Judaism, Yisro was an idolator. See Rashi to Shemos,
18:11.
92 {Hebrew Ref} also alludes to {Hebrew Ref} ,
"scorned." Yoseif scorned his evil inclination, and did not succumb
to Potiphar's wife.
93 The additional {Hebrew Ref} in {Hebrew Ref} suggests a two-fold allusion---that of Yisro, and that of
Yoseif. (G.A., from Sotah, 43a)
94 A kohein was
especially annointed for the purpose of addressing the people when they
went to war. (Devorim, 20:2, Rambam, Melachim, 7) Pinchas served in
this capacity.
95 Both, the Ark (4:20) and the Golden Headplate
(Shemos, 28:36.), are described as sacred. (S.C.)
96 V. 8.
97 "Bil'am ... the Israelites slew by the sword upon
those they had slain." (Yehoshua, 13:22)
98 Tanchuma, 4.
99
Pinchas could not possibly have literally held the vessels in his hand.
(S.C.)
100 21:26.
101 Sifri, 37.
102 Bil'am had
returned to his home in Aram (24:25). Why was he now in Midian? (M.)
103 The Moavite king Balak, promised to reward Bil'am (22:17),
Midian did not. Still, the Moavites acted out of fear, the Midianites
from hatred (Rashi to v. 2). Bil'am felt that Midian would be more
forthcoming in rewarding him. (G.A.)
104 Otherwise, they could
not have justifiably executed him, as they were commanded only to wage
war against the Midianites. Nor were they informed of his role in their
downfall with the Moavite and Midianite women until later (v. 16). (M.)
105 Death, as he was considered a "pursuer" ( {Hebrew Ref} ),
someone whose actions endanger the lives of others. His demoralizing
advice would have caused the loss of the war and the death of the
warriors. (G.A.)
106 Sifri, 39, 40.
107 Otherwise, why
mention the sword? (M)
108 Eisav's blessing. (Bereishis, 27:40)
109 Tanchuma, Balak, 8.
110 {Hebrew Ref} from {Hebrew Ref} , "to keep." The keepers of the law were housed in palatial
mansions.
111 Yeshosua, 12:2.
112 According to this interpretation,
{Hebrew Ref} is from {Hebrew Ref} , "minister."
113 Sifri,
41.
114 Sifri, 42.
115 Shir Hashirim, 6:6.
116 The
booty was brought to Moshe (v.12), the plunder retained by the warriors
(vs. 32, 53.). Scripture later states that the ornaments were offered
to G-d (v. 50), obviously referring to the booty brought to Moshe,
rather than to the plunder. The booty is thus defined as ornamental.
The plunder, then, must have been non-ornamental---gold and silver.
(G.A.)
117 Sifri, 42.
118 Sifri, 43.
119 Yalkut.
120 Sanhedrin, 106a.
121 43. Cf. Rashi to 25:1.
122
"Every woman with intimate knowledge" seems to refer only to women
with actual intimate experience. And {Hebrew Ref} , "every
woman," implies that the death sentence was only for adult women,
exempting even experienced young girls. But v.18 exempts only the young
girls who were not intimate, indicating that the young ones with
experience were to be killed. To resolve the conflict, we interpret
"every woman with intimate knowledge" as referring to those capable
of intimate relations, i.e., those above the age of three, when
intimate contact is recognized legally as intercourse. They were
included in the death sentence. And v. 18 is understood as referring to
the young girls incapable of intimate knowledge, i.e., those below the
age of three. They were exempted. (D.D., from Yevamos, 60b.)
123
Yevamos, 60b.
124 Sifri, 45.
125 Although Moshe was angry with the commanders for having
spared the women (v.15), perhaps he now exempted those who were capable
of intimate relations, but had refrained. (S.C.)
126 But why the
original "now you must execute [every male]"? To include even those
males too young for intercourse. (S.C.)
127 The camp of the
Shechinah, was prohibited to those contaminated by contact with the
dead. They were permitted, however, in the Levite and Israelite camps.
(M. Cf. Rashi to 5:2)
128 A garment or utensil. Other objects,
however, do not receive contamination. See Rambam, Keilim, 1:1.
129
He remains contaminated for seven days, and requires the parah
adumah ashes for purification (19:11,12). This applies as well if
he touched a utensil while it was touching the corpse. However, if the
utensil was removed from immediate contact with the body, the person
then touching it is contaminated for only one day, and requires only
immersion in a mikveh for purification. See Ramban.
130 Sifri, Chukas, 58.
131 Water mixed with the ashes of
the red cow is sprinkled on the contaminated person.
132 19:9--12.
133 Unlike Jewish graves and corpses, which convey contamination
to those enclosed with them in a tent. (19:14.)
134 Yechezkel,
34:31.
135 "... anyone who enters the tent..
.shall be contaminated." (19:14) The passage concerning touching,
however, does not stipulate that the corpse was that of a "man," but
merely states that anyone who touches "... a corpse ..
.shall be contaminated." (ibid., v.16. See Tosafos to Yevamos, 61a,
Bava Kama, 38a)
136 Yevamos, 61a.
137 Rambam, Tum'as mes,
1:13.
138 Of Yisroel.
139 By converting.
140 Sifri,
46.
141 Leather was already mentioned. Why add goats? (S.C., from
Rashi to Chulin)
142 Chulin, 25b.
143 Vayikra, 10:16.
144 Forgetting that a grief stricken person ("onen") may not
eat sacrificial meat. (Vayikra Rabbah, 12:10.
145 20:10 Moshe was
angry with the Israelites.
146 Instead of speaking to it. (Ibid,
v. 11)
147 Sifri, 48.
148 Sifri, 48. G-d commanded all of
the Torah to Moshe. Why mention it here? Because Elozor wished to
dispel the impression that he was replacing Moshe. He reminded them
that he was merely instructing the people in the practical application,
but G-d had taught the law to Moshe. (G.A.)
149 From an animal that was not properly slaughtered.
150 In
case of food particles underneath the rust.
151 Yalkut.
152
The fire itself does not taint the utensil, but the forbidden food
absorbed in it, during the cooking process. (M.)
153 A pot used
for cooking.
154 Thereby releasing the tiny "treif" food
particles absorbed in the walls of the pot. The degree of heat which
opened the pores for absorption during the preparation of the
non-kosher food reopens them for release during purging. Thus, the
purging agent must parallel the utensil's use; if used with water for
cooking, recooking is sufficient for purging. If used as a spit,
reheating over a flame is required.
155 Avodah Zarah, 75b.
156 Accordingly, {Hebrew Ref} is interpreted as
"sprinkling" or "flinging" (as in Eichah, 3:53), and refers to the
water which is sprinkled to purify those contaminated by contact with
the dead. (M.)
157 The process for purification from
contamination by the dead was stated previously (19:19). If {Hebrew Ref} means that, why repeat it here? (G.A.)
158 {Hebrew Ref}
is not interpreted as "sprinkling," but as [lit.] "set apart,"
referring to a menstruating woman (Vayikra, 15:19). After her period,
she requires immersion in the waters of a mikveh for
purification.
159 Enough to immerse the average person. (Avodah
Zarah, 75b)
160 In a mikveh.
161 Without the purging
mentioned above. However, even cold-use utensils require a thorough
scrubbing to remove the residue of prohibited foodstuff attached to
their surface. (M. See Ramban)
162 Avodah Zarah, 75b.
163 Pesachim, 67a.
164 Although generally translated as
"lift up," {Hebrew Ref} may also mean "receive," or "take," as
in Shemos, 23:1. And {Hebrew Ref} , lit. "head" or "top," may be
translated as "count," because it is customary for those who take
count to record the total sum at the top of the tally sheet. (M.)
165 The spoil refers to the captive people and animals; the
plunder to the non-ornamental personal property. (M., from Rashi to v.
11.)
166 The spoil, which was yet to be evenly distributed and
tithed, remained after the plunder, which had already been randomly
confiscated. (G.A.)
167 Rashi supplies the missing words: "... which Moshe
divided [for the community, by appropriating it for them] from the
military men." (G.A.)
168 We know that the community's animals
and people numbered the same as those of the military, enumerated
above. The point of the repetition here is not for the numbers
themselves, but as a preface to v. 47, which describes Moshe's
appropriation to the Levites. (G.A.)
169 {Hebrew Ref} (Megilah, 2:3), however, refers to someone
who appoints others to perform a task.
170 Bereishis, 31:39.
Yaakov told Lavan that he would accept responsibility for any loss.
171 Shmuel 1, 20:18. Yonasan told David that his absence would be
noticed.
172 Ibid., v. 25.
173 Shabbos, 64a. The {Hebrew Ref}
exemption, permitting relations with a gentile captive during wartime
(Devorim, 21:11), applied only after the conquest of Eretz Yisroel.
(S.C. See Tosafos to Shabbos, 64a, D.D.)
174 Although Reuvein and Gad waited with their petition until
after the conquest of Midian, their request was not for Midianite land,
but for the land of Sichon and Og. (M.)
175 The {Hebrew Ref} prefix.
176 Not Kadeish, belonging
to Barnei'a, as in "the plains of Mamrei" (Bereishis, 13:18), but
Kadeish Barnei'a. Why, then, does Scripture sometimes mention
"Kadeish" alone (20:14, 33:37, etc.)? Because there were two places
named Kadeish---one Kadeish Barnei'a, and one simply Kadeish.
Scripture's "Kadeish" refers to the latter. (M.)
177 The proof is that Kaleiv's mother bore Osniel, the son of
Kenaz. (Shoftim, 3:9, identifies Osniel, son of Kenaz, as Kaleiv's
younger brother.) Evidently, his mother later married Kenaz and bore
Osniel. Kaleiv was entitled "the Kenizite" after his step-father.
(M.)
178 Sotah, 11b.
179 Kayin's punishment, Bereishis,
4:12.
180 Yeshaya, 29:1.
181 Yirmeyah, 7:21.
182 From the precedence of the children in Moshe's reply
[v.24]. (S.C.)
183 Tanchuma, 7.
184 Yeshaya, 8:3.
185
Ibid, 5:19.
186 Devorim, 33:20.
187 The book of Devorim.
188 3:18.
189 The first city to fall to the invading
Israelites.
190 Yehoshua, 6:13.
191 But not afterward. Their dwelling place at that time was
not relevant to the present discussion. (M.)
192 The Israelites
had destroyed the old ones during the warfare. (M.)
193 Now, when
the people were camped east of the Yardein. In relation to Eretz
Yisroel itself, however, "across the Yardein" refers to the east
bank. (G.A.)
194 Tehillim, 8:8.
195 As in {Hebrew Ref} , "sheep."
196 {Hebrew Ref} is used specifically to refer to large
multitudes of sheep. (G.A.)
197 As a personal pledge for the sake
of Heaven, but not as a matter of obligation. (M., G.A.)
198 V.
22.
199 V. 18.
200 As recorded in Yehoshua (22). This indicates that they had
made such a pledge. (M.)
201 From the singular {Hebrew Ref} .
(S.C.)
202 Not lit. commanded "them," but commanded
"concerning them"---concerning their fulfillment of the stipulation
to do battle.
203 Shemos, 14:14. Here, too, {Hebrew Ref} is
not translated literally as "will fight you," but as {Hebrew Ref} , "will fight for your sake." (S.C.)
204 Not literally in the same place---we will be in Eretz
Yisroel, while the land will be here. (G.A.)
205 Then, after we
fulfill our stipulation, but we have no ownership now. (M., see Ramban
to v. 19)
206 If it were unrelated, the reading would be "Bais Nimrah
and Bais Haran, which were fortified cities and sheep pens." Why,
then, did they have to rebuild them now? (G.A.)
207 Immediately,
so that the idolatrous names would no longer be used. But the name
change for all the other cities later in our passage took place after
they were rebuilt. (M.)
208 The name "Sivmah" is not among
those turned aside, but among those built, beginning with v. 34.
209
V. 3.
210 Rus, 2:14.
211 Zechariah, 5:11. Midrash
Rus (5:5) indeed expounds the two words, but Rashi's objection is to R'
Moshe's interpretation of {Hebrew Ref} as "not Novach."
Accordingly, {Hebrew Ref} would imply "not Boaz"---but someone
else---said. And {Hebrew Ref} would mean "not a house"---but
build something else. Both interpretations are untenable. (S.C.)
Chapter 30 - Text Notes
Chapter 31 - Text Notes
Chapter 32 - Text Notes
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